Urdu Shayari Mein Qaumiyat

In political philosophy, the concepts of nation and nationalism have become highly debated issues. However, in poetry and literature, the matter is not nearly as complex. In the poet's consciousness, the sense of nationalism emerges as an emotion, a fundamental right, and a human value. It is not concerned with the academic technicalities of what constitutes nationalism. Instead, the desire for freedom, justice, and progress takes the shape of nationalism and permeates the poet's sensibilities. He begins to sing of his homeland's greatness and glory, demanding justice for his country from the rest of the world. In doing so, he guides his compatriots toward progress and inspires them to forge ahead. For subjugated nations, this sense of patriotism and love for the homeland transforms into a national and political consciousness. In the struggle for national liberation, it flashes like fire and lightning, sweeping people along like a mighty storm.

Poetry is the product of a poet’s collective knowledge, consciousness, and profound awareness. It encompasses everything that forms a part of the poet’s experience or emotions. External circumstances stimulate the poet’s imagination. These circumstances are refined within the poet's mind and heart, taking on a poetic form to become verse. In reality, however, they are merely reflections of the poet’s material experiences, which begin to feel internal after passing through the corridors of emotion and imagination. The point of this discussion is that when the spirit of nationalism emerges in a country, it inevitably finds expression in every sphere of life. Because the poet is the most sensitive of beings, this nationalism manifests itself in various shifting forms. By forms, I mean that when there is no opportunity for open expression—when voicing certain ideas is deemed a crime—emotions take on the shape of metaphors and symbols. They appear in disguise, but their emergence cannot be suppressed. Notice the passion with which Chakbast has expressed this:

Zabaan ko band karein ya mujhe aseer karein

Mere khayal ko beri pehna nahi sakte

[They may silence my tongue or take me prisoner,

But they cannot put shackles on my thoughts.]

Similarly, Fani Badayuni has described this same boiling over of emotions in the following way:

Nikal hi jayenge naale dahan se khoon hokar

Zabaan nahi khulegi rag-e-zabaan sayyaad

[My laments will inevitably escape my lips as blood,

If my tongue is not allowed to speak, O Hunter, the vein of my tongue will.]

Regardless, the spirit of nationalism cannot be suppressed. The concept of patriotism among classical Urdu poets is worthy of attention. Because nationalism is inherently tied to the homeland, even if its political dimensions were not fully defined at the time, a moral and territorial devotion is unmistakably evident in their work. Classical Urdu poets described the customs, festivals, and traditions of India with such love and sincerity that their devotion to their homeland is beyond doubt. The first major poet of Urdu, Quli Qutb Shah, sang joyous anthems of Basant (the spring festival) and the monsoons. Faiz and Mir Taqi Mir made Delhi’s ritual bathings, panghats (riverbanks where women fetch water), and festivals like Holi the subjects of their poetry. Nazir Akbarabadi went so far as to write poems on all the Hindu and Muslim festivals of Agra and Mathura.

At that time, the question of India’s subjugation or independence had not yet arisen. Nevertheless, these poets felt it essential to write about indigenous subjects because they had risen from the soil of this land and engaged deeply with it. However, I fully understand that the true spirit of nationalism only truly emerges and flourishes amidst political struggle. The desire for freedom is born out of a sense of necessity. When India was colonized and became acutely aware of its subjugation, a new nationalism was born. What started as a mere spark soon turned into a raging forest fire, ultimately forcing the foreigners to leave India. Therefore, the true development of this nationalistic spirit must be traced to the period following the Uprising of 1857.

The Uprising of 1857 was indeed a revolution, but it was essentially a clash between a fading feudalism and a new industrial power. Consequently, the nationalistic sentiment visible in its early stages contained less of a revolutionary vision and more of a lament for the destruction of feudal cultural values. This was only natural; the masses were in such a wretched state due to the decline of feudalism that they could not fully comprehend the shifting paradigms. If we wish to catch a glimpse of this sentiment, we can find it in the poetry of Ghalib. He may not have fully grasped the political and historical implications of British dominance in India, but when the nation’s honor and self-respect were battered during the turmoil of 1857, even he could not remain silent. He penned his famous ghazal, two couplets of which are as follows:

Ghar se bazaar mein nikalte hue

Zahra hota hai aab insaan ka

Chowk jis ko kahein woh maqtal hai

Ghar bana hai namoona zindaan ka

[Stepping out of the house into the bazaar,

A person's courage turns to water (melts away in fear).

What they call a public square is now an execution ground,

And the home has become a model of a prison.]

These vague sentiments eventually organized themselves in 1885 with the formation of the All India National Congress. Although the foundations of modern nationalistic poetry had been laid years earlier in Lahore by Azad and Hali, even their vision of national independence was not entirely clear. Furthermore, the oppressive weight of the government was such that the spirit of nationalism remained in its infancy, rarely advancing beyond a desire for basic social reforms. Yet, this was the very seed from which the tree of a national and economic revolution was sprouting—a tree that the writers and poets of India were actively helping to water.

In its early days, the Congress merely reflected the middle class's aspirations for government posts. Its potential for economic and social revolution only became apparent at the dawn of the twentieth century with the launch of the Swadeshi movement. Awadh Punch and other newspapers welcomed this movement. Awadh Punch was as significant politically as it was literarily. It gave voice to fierce and passionate sentiments of nationalism and independence. Akbar Allahabadi, despite being a government employee, used the cloak of satire to express in Awadh Punch everything that political leaders were saying in their speeches. At that time, political speeches lacked the blazing fire needed to burn down the halls of power. Poetry, too, lacked that piercing intensity, yet consider these couplets by Akbar:

Kaamyabi ka swadeshi par har ik dar basta hai

Chonch Tota Ram ne kholi magar par basta hai

Dhun des ki thi jis mein gaata tha ik dehati

Biscuit se hai mulayam poori hai ya chapati

Tehreek-e-swadeshi pe mujhe wajd hai Akbar

Kya khoob yeh naghma hai chira des ki dhun mein

[Every door to success is closed for the Swadeshi,

Tota Ram has opened his beak, but his wings are tied.

It was the tune of the homeland in which a villager sang:

Softer than a biscuit is the poori or chapati.

I am in a state of ecstasy over the Swadeshi movement, O Akbar,

What a beautiful melody has been struck in the tune of the homeland.]

Admittedly, from a strictly poetic standpoint, this subject was not of profound literary significance. However, it held immense importance within the broader movement, which is why Akbar chose to address it. As time passed, the momentum of the freedom struggle accelerated, drawing both the middle class and the common masses into its fold. Despite holding diverse religious and ideological beliefs, people were continuously merging into a single identity through ever-evolving ways, becoming, above all, Indians.

The early poetry of Iqbal and the entirety of Chakbast’s poetic work are imbued with this very conviction. In Iqbal’s Tarana-e-Hindi (Anthem of India), Hindustani Bachon Ka Geet (Song of Indian Children), Himala (The Himalayas), and Naya Shivala (The New Temple), the radiant face of Indian nationalism is clearly visible. However, this sense of nationalism reached its absolute prime in the poems of Chakbast. Is there any Indian who [has not heard] Iqbal’s anthem,

Sare jahan se achha Hindustan hamara

Hum bulbulain hain is ki yeh gulistan hamara

[Better than the entire world is our Hindustan,

We are its nightingales, and this is our garden.]

Who has not heard these lines, and who is there who has not heard this rallying cry by Chakbast:

Talab fuzool hai kante ki phool ke badle

Na lein bihisht bhi hum Home Rule ke badle

[It is pointless to ask for a thorn in exchange for a flower,

We would not accept even Paradise in exchange for Home Rule.]

Chakbast wrote about Home Rule, Hindu-Muslim unity, the glory of the homeland, and elegies for national leaders with such fervor that his poetry acquired the intoxicating potency of double-distilled wine. It must be remembered that until the First World War, the Indian national movement had not yet developed the revolutionary elements that would later dominate the discourse of subsequent poets. Nevertheless, opposition to British rule, the yearning for freedom, and the collective drive to elevate the nation's standing in the world overflow from Chakbast’s poetry. Through his verses, he articulated the very same demands that political leaders were making. He conditioned the public consciousness just as the prevailing political climate was doing. To Chakbast, India appeared as an unshrouded corpse, and he sought to blow the trumpet of patriotism to awaken the nation, enabling it to march toward independence.

Yeh khak-e-Hind se paida hain josh ke aasar

Himalaya se uthe jaise abr-e-darya baar

Lahoo ragon mein dikhata hai barq ki raftar

Hui hain khak ke parde mein haddiyan bedar

Yeh josh-e-pak zamana daba nahi sakta

Ragon mein khoon ki hararat mita nahi sakta

Yeh aag woh hai jo pani bujha nahi sakta

Dilon mein aake yeh armaan ja nahi sakta

Talab fuzool hai kante ki phool ke badle

Na lein bihisht bhi hum Home Rule ke badle

[These signs of fervor arise from the dust of India,

Like rain-bearing clouds rising from the Himalayas.

The blood in the veins displays the speed of lightning,

Bones have awakened beneath the veil of dust.

The world cannot suppress this pure passion,

It cannot erase the heat of the blood in our veins.

This is a fire that water cannot extinguish,

Once it enters the heart, this longing cannot leave.

It is pointless to ask for a thorn in exchange for a flower,

We would not accept even Paradise in exchange for Home Rule.]

In his expression of nationalist sentiment, Chakbast relied on genuine fervor rather than mere exaggeration:

Watan ke ishq ka but be-naqab nikla hai

Naye ufuq pe naya aaftab nikla hai

[The idol of love for the homeland has emerged unveiled,

A new sun has risen on a new horizon.]

Thus, Chakbast’s gaze encompassed everything—from the evolution of nationalism and the demand for Home Rule to the plight of Indians in South Africa. During this same period, Maulana Shibli was addressing Muslims, opposing communal sentiments, and warning them about the consequences of British policies. Concurrently, European dominance was being established over Islamic countries. The pain of this subjugation is palpable in Shibli’s sentiments, which is entirely understandable. National revolutions were unfolding across several Asian countries, and Russia had witnessed a monumental political and social revolution—an event that profoundly influenced both Tagore and Iqbal. Therefore, the emergence of an internationalist hue in poetry was hardly surprising.

Immediately following the end of the First World War, a phase of the freedom struggle commenced in India that would not rest until victory was achieved. From that point onward, we can trace every political trend in Urdu poetry—from the subtlest shifts to the most powerful movements—that was manifesting in the country's political life. Zafar Ali Khan, a fiery leader of the Khilafat Movement, joined the Congress and began writing fiercely satirical poems on national issues. His poems were confiscated, his newspapers were subjected to bans, and he himself was repeatedly imprisoned. Yet, deeply inspired by Mahatma Gandhi’s spirit of non-cooperation and non-violence, poets like Zafar Ali Khan, Maulana Muhammad Ali, and Maulana Hasrat Mohani continued to express these sentiments in their poetry, thereby strengthening the revolutionary movement.

Just as the spirit of patriotism manifested in political nationalism and the struggle for liberation from colonial subjugation, the very concept of national independence evolved to include ideas of economic freedom and social revolution. Anyone familiar with the trajectory of the Indian national movement will have no difficulty studying Urdu poetry and observing a vivid reflection of these transformations. This is because poetry that remains closely tied to the struggles of life inevitably bears the imprint of those very struggles. Consequently, themes such as the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, the Non-Cooperation Movement, imprisonment, freedom, socialism, peasants, laborers, and revolution all found their place in Urdu poetry—and they did so with the same rapid momentum that characterized the advancing national movement.

Eventually, a new vanguard of Urdu poets emerged, spearheaded by Josh Malihabadi. Their tone was marked by intense severity, their voice possessed a thunderous resonance, their demands were forceful, and their style of expression revealed deep-seated anger and bitterness. The clear and unequivocal manner in which Josh raised the banner of nationalism represented an entirely new voice in Urdu poetry. His rhetorical brilliance and rallying cries electrified the masses, generating a heat that the British government simply could not tolerate. When his poem Shikast-e-Zindan Ka Khwab (The Dream of the Prison's Defeat) was published and subsequently reprinted in the Hindi magazine Swatantra Bharat, the publication was confiscated, and its staff faced prosecution. Roughly ten years ago, he penned his famous poem East India Company Ke Farzandon Se (To the Sons of the East India Company). At the onset of the Second World War, he used it to remind the British government that the Germans were not the only oppressors; the British, too, had devastated India to fortify their imperial grip. The poem features lines and sentiments such as:

Dastkaron ke anguthe kat-te phirte the hum

Sar barahna phir rahi thi izzat-e-Hindustan

Aaj baithe ho jo nakhl-e-rasti ki chhaon mein

Kya khuda na-karda kuch moch aa gayi hai paon mein

[We used to go around cutting off the thumbs of artisans,

While the honor of India wandered bareheaded.

Today, as you sit in the shade of the tree of righteousness,

Has, God forbid, your foot suffered a sprain?]

Infuriated by these words, the British government banned the poem. Josh’s house was raided, and when the authorities found nothing, Josh wrote yet another poem. Addressing the search party, he declared that a poet’s rebellious thoughts are not locked away in closets and trunks; they reside within his chest.

The poetry of this entire generation of Urdu writers did not harbor some vague, overly sentimental notion of nationalism and freedom. Instead, it explicitly demanded a revolution that would result in an independent India. They envisioned a nation where a democratic system would be established, where every individual would have the opportunity to lead a prosperous life, and where distinctions of color and race would be eradicated. The bulk of the poetry produced by Saghar, Majaz, Sardar, Jawad, Akhtar, Shamim, Mulla, Ravish, Kaifi, Makhdoom, Jazbi, Matlabi Faridabadi, and other contemporary poets is saturated with these ideals. While it is impossible to present every relevant couplet here, it is clear that each of these poets articulated nationalist sentiments in a robust and healthy manner. Not only were their poems and books confiscated, but poets like Agha Shorish Kashmiri, Syed Matlabi Faridabadi, Taban, Ali Sardar Jafri, Jawad Zaidi, Ahmaq Phaphundvi, and Majrooh also endured the severe hardships of imprisonment while singing songs of nationalism and freedom.

Urdu poetry waged such a fierce war against communalism that today, many communalist writers—including some of our most famous literary figures—are forced to admit that Muslim poets and writers of Urdu did not support the concept of a separate Muslim nation, or the Two-Nation Theory. These critics lament the fact that Muslim poets supposedly did not stand by their own community. What they fail to understand is that the very tradition of Urdu poetry is rooted in the ideals of peace, democracy, and progress. Reactionary thought, communalism, and hatred simply have no place in its heritage.

In political philosophy, the concepts of nation and nationalism have become highly debated issues. However, in poetry and literature, the matter is not nearly as complex. In the poet's consciousness, the sense of nationalism emerges as an emotion, a fundamental right, and a human value. It is not concerned with the academic technicalities of what constitutes nationalism. Instead, the desire for freedom, justice, and progress takes the shape of nationalism and permeates the poet's sensibilities. He begins to sing of his homeland's greatness and glory, demanding justice for his country from the rest of the world. In doing so, he guides his compatriots toward progress and inspires them to forge ahead. For subjugated nations, this sense of patriotism and love for the homeland transforms into a national and political consciousness. In the struggle for national liberation, it flashes like fire and lightning, sweeping people along like a mighty storm.

Poetry is the product of a poet’s collective knowledge, consciousness, and profound awareness. It encompasses everything that forms a part of the poet’s experience or emotions. External circumstances stimulate the poet’s imagination. These circumstances are refined within the poet's mind and heart, taking on a poetic form to become verse. In reality, however, they are merely reflections of the poet’s material experiences, which begin to feel internal after passing through the corridors of emotion and imagination. The point of this discussion is that when the spirit of nationalism emerges in a country, it inevitably finds expression in every sphere of life. Because the poet is the most sensitive of beings, this nationalism manifests itself in various shifting forms. By forms, I mean that when there is no opportunity for open expression—when voicing certain ideas is deemed a crime—emotions take on the shape of metaphors and symbols. They appear in disguise, but their emergence cannot be suppressed. Notice the passion with which Chakbast has expressed this:

Zabaan ko band karein ya mujhe aseer karein

Mere khayal ko beri pehna nahi sakte

[They may silence my tongue or take me prisoner,

But they cannot put shackles on my thoughts.]

Similarly, Fani Badayuni has described this same boiling over of emotions in the following way:

Nikal hi jayenge naale dahan se khoon hokar

Zabaan nahi khulegi rag-e-zabaan sayyaad

[My laments will inevitably escape my lips as blood,

If my tongue is not allowed to speak, O Hunter, the vein of my tongue will.]

Regardless, the spirit of nationalism cannot be suppressed. The concept of patriotism among classical Urdu poets is worthy of attention. Because nationalism is inherently tied to the homeland, even if its political dimensions were not fully defined at the time, a moral and territorial devotion is unmistakably evident in their work. Classical Urdu poets described the customs, festivals, and traditions of India with such love and sincerity that their devotion to their homeland is beyond doubt. The first major poet of Urdu, Quli Qutb Shah, sang joyous anthems of Basant (the spring festival) and the monsoons. Faiz and Mir Taqi Mir made Delhi’s ritual bathings, panghats (riverbanks where women fetch water), and festivals like Holi the subjects of their poetry. Nazir Akbarabadi went so far as to write poems on all the Hindu and Muslim festivals of Agra and Mathura.

At that time, the question of India’s subjugation or independence had not yet arisen. Nevertheless, these poets felt it essential to write about indigenous subjects because they had risen from the soil of this land and engaged deeply with it. However, I fully understand that the true spirit of nationalism only truly emerges and flourishes amidst political struggle. The desire for freedom is born out of a sense of necessity. When India was colonized and became acutely aware of its subjugation, a new nationalism was born. What started as a mere spark soon turned into a raging forest fire, ultimately forcing the foreigners to leave India. Therefore, the true development of this nationalistic spirit must be traced to the period following the Uprising of 1857.

The Uprising of 1857 was indeed a revolution, but it was essentially a clash between a fading feudalism and a new industrial power. Consequently, the nationalistic sentiment visible in its early stages contained less of a revolutionary vision and more of a lament for the destruction of feudal cultural values. This was only natural; the masses were in such a wretched state due to the decline of feudalism that they could not fully comprehend the shifting paradigms. If we wish to catch a glimpse of this sentiment, we can find it in the poetry of Ghalib. He may not have fully grasped the political and historical implications of British dominance in India, but when the nation’s honor and self-respect were battered during the turmoil of 1857, even he could not remain silent. He penned his famous ghazal, two couplets of which are as follows:

Ghar se bazaar mein nikalte hue

Zahra hota hai aab insaan ka

Chowk jis ko kahein woh maqtal hai

Ghar bana hai namoona zindaan ka

[Stepping out of the house into the bazaar,

A person's courage turns to water (melts away in fear).

What they call a public square is now an execution ground,

And the home has become a model of a prison.]

These vague sentiments eventually organized themselves in 1885 with the formation of the All India National Congress. Although the foundations of modern nationalistic poetry had been laid years earlier in Lahore by Azad and Hali, even their vision of national independence was not entirely clear. Furthermore, the oppressive weight of the government was such that the spirit of nationalism remained in its infancy, rarely advancing beyond a desire for basic social reforms. Yet, this was the very seed from which the tree of a national and economic revolution was sprouting—a tree that the writers and poets of India were actively helping to water.

In its early days, the Congress merely reflected the middle class's aspirations for government posts. Its potential for economic and social revolution only became apparent at the dawn of the twentieth century with the launch of the Swadeshi movement. Awadh Punch and other newspapers welcomed this movement. Awadh Punch was as significant politically as it was literarily. It gave voice to fierce and passionate sentiments of nationalism and independence. Akbar Allahabadi, despite being a government employee, used the cloak of satire to express in Awadh Punch everything that political leaders were saying in their speeches. At that time, political speeches lacked the blazing fire needed to burn down the halls of power. Poetry, too, lacked that piercing intensity, yet consider these couplets by Akbar:

Kaamyabi ka swadeshi par har ik dar basta hai

Chonch Tota Ram ne kholi magar par basta hai

Dhun des ki thi jis mein gaata tha ik dehati

Biscuit se hai mulayam poori hai ya chapati

Tehreek-e-swadeshi pe mujhe wajd hai Akbar

Kya khoob yeh naghma hai chira des ki dhun mein

[Every door to success is closed for the Swadeshi,

Tota Ram has opened his beak, but his wings are tied.

It was the tune of the homeland in which a villager sang:

Softer than a biscuit is the poori or chapati.

I am in a state of ecstasy over the Swadeshi movement, O Akbar,

What a beautiful melody has been struck in the tune of the homeland.]

Admittedly, from a strictly poetic standpoint, this subject was not of profound literary significance. However, it held immense importance within the broader movement, which is why Akbar chose to address it. As time passed, the momentum of the freedom struggle accelerated, drawing both the middle class and the common masses into its fold. Despite holding diverse religious and ideological beliefs, people were continuously merging into a single identity through ever-evolving ways, becoming, above all, Indians.

The early poetry of Iqbal and the entirety of Chakbast’s poetic work are imbued with this very conviction. In Iqbal’s Tarana-e-Hindi (Anthem of India), Hindustani Bachon Ka Geet (Song of Indian Children), Himala (The Himalayas), and Naya Shivala (The New Temple), the radiant face of Indian nationalism is clearly visible. However, this sense of nationalism reached its absolute prime in the poems of Chakbast. Is there any Indian who [has not heard] Iqbal’s anthem,

Sare jahan se achha Hindustan hamara

Hum bulbulain hain is ki yeh gulistan hamara

[Better than the entire world is our Hindustan,

We are its nightingales, and this is our garden.]

Who has not heard these lines, and who is there who has not heard this rallying cry by Chakbast:

Talab fuzool hai kante ki phool ke badle

Na lein bihisht bhi hum Home Rule ke badle

[It is pointless to ask for a thorn in exchange for a flower,

We would not accept even Paradise in exchange for Home Rule.]

Chakbast wrote about Home Rule, Hindu-Muslim unity, the glory of the homeland, and elegies for national leaders with such fervor that his poetry acquired the intoxicating potency of double-distilled wine. It must be remembered that until the First World War, the Indian national movement had not yet developed the revolutionary elements that would later dominate the discourse of subsequent poets. Nevertheless, opposition to British rule, the yearning for freedom, and the collective drive to elevate the nation's standing in the world overflow from Chakbast’s poetry. Through his verses, he articulated the very same demands that political leaders were making. He conditioned the public consciousness just as the prevailing political climate was doing. To Chakbast, India appeared as an unshrouded corpse, and he sought to blow the trumpet of patriotism to awaken the nation, enabling it to march toward independence.

Yeh khak-e-Hind se paida hain josh ke aasar

Himalaya se uthe jaise abr-e-darya baar

Lahoo ragon mein dikhata hai barq ki raftar

Hui hain khak ke parde mein haddiyan bedar

Yeh josh-e-pak zamana daba nahi sakta

Ragon mein khoon ki hararat mita nahi sakta

Yeh aag woh hai jo pani bujha nahi sakta

Dilon mein aake yeh armaan ja nahi sakta

Talab fuzool hai kante ki phool ke badle

Na lein bihisht bhi hum Home Rule ke badle

[These signs of fervor arise from the dust of India,

Like rain-bearing clouds rising from the Himalayas.

The blood in the veins displays the speed of lightning,

Bones have awakened beneath the veil of dust.

The world cannot suppress this pure passion,

It cannot erase the heat of the blood in our veins.

This is a fire that water cannot extinguish,

Once it enters the heart, this longing cannot leave.

It is pointless to ask for a thorn in exchange for a flower,

We would not accept even Paradise in exchange for Home Rule.]

In his expression of nationalist sentiment, Chakbast relied on genuine fervor rather than mere exaggeration:

Watan ke ishq ka but be-naqab nikla hai

Naye ufuq pe naya aaftab nikla hai

[The idol of love for the homeland has emerged unveiled,

A new sun has risen on a new horizon.]

Thus, Chakbast’s gaze encompassed everything—from the evolution of nationalism and the demand for Home Rule to the plight of Indians in South Africa. During this same period, Maulana Shibli was addressing Muslims, opposing communal sentiments, and warning them about the consequences of British policies. Concurrently, European dominance was being established over Islamic countries. The pain of this subjugation is palpable in Shibli’s sentiments, which is entirely understandable. National revolutions were unfolding across several Asian countries, and Russia had witnessed a monumental political and social revolution—an event that profoundly influenced both Tagore and Iqbal. Therefore, the emergence of an internationalist hue in poetry was hardly surprising.

Immediately following the end of the First World War, a phase of the freedom struggle commenced in India that would not rest until victory was achieved. From that point onward, we can trace every political trend in Urdu poetry—from the subtlest shifts to the most powerful movements—that was manifesting in the country's political life. Zafar Ali Khan, a fiery leader of the Khilafat Movement, joined the Congress and began writing fiercely satirical poems on national issues. His poems were confiscated, his newspapers were subjected to bans, and he himself was repeatedly imprisoned. Yet, deeply inspired by Mahatma Gandhi’s spirit of non-cooperation and non-violence, poets like Zafar Ali Khan, Maulana Muhammad Ali, and Maulana Hasrat Mohani continued to express these sentiments in their poetry, thereby strengthening the revolutionary movement.

Just as the spirit of patriotism manifested in political nationalism and the struggle for liberation from colonial subjugation, the very concept of national independence evolved to include ideas of economic freedom and social revolution. Anyone familiar with the trajectory of the Indian national movement will have no difficulty studying Urdu poetry and observing a vivid reflection of these transformations. This is because poetry that remains closely tied to the struggles of life inevitably bears the imprint of those very struggles. Consequently, themes such as the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, the Non-Cooperation Movement, imprisonment, freedom, socialism, peasants, laborers, and revolution all found their place in Urdu poetry—and they did so with the same rapid momentum that characterized the advancing national movement.

Eventually, a new vanguard of Urdu poets emerged, spearheaded by Josh Malihabadi. Their tone was marked by intense severity, their voice possessed a thunderous resonance, their demands were forceful, and their style of expression revealed deep-seated anger and bitterness. The clear and unequivocal manner in which Josh raised the banner of nationalism represented an entirely new voice in Urdu poetry. His rhetorical brilliance and rallying cries electrified the masses, generating a heat that the British government simply could not tolerate. When his poem Shikast-e-Zindan Ka Khwab (The Dream of the Prison's Defeat) was published and subsequently reprinted in the Hindi magazine Swatantra Bharat, the publication was confiscated, and its staff faced prosecution. Roughly ten years ago, he penned his famous poem East India Company Ke Farzandon Se (To the Sons of the East India Company). At the onset of the Second World War, he used it to remind the British government that the Germans were not the only oppressors; the British, too, had devastated India to fortify their imperial grip. The poem features lines and sentiments such as:

Dastkaron ke anguthe kat-te phirte the hum

Sar barahna phir rahi thi izzat-e-Hindustan

Aaj baithe ho jo nakhl-e-rasti ki chhaon mein

Kya khuda na-karda kuch moch aa gayi hai paon mein

[We used to go around cutting off the thumbs of artisans,

While the honor of India wandered bareheaded.

Today, as you sit in the shade of the tree of righteousness,

Has, God forbid, your foot suffered a sprain?]

Infuriated by these words, the British government banned the poem. Josh’s house was raided, and when the authorities found nothing, Josh wrote yet another poem. Addressing the search party, he declared that a poet’s rebellious thoughts are not locked away in closets and trunks; they reside within his chest.

The poetry of this entire generation of Urdu writers did not harbor some vague, overly sentimental notion of nationalism and freedom. Instead, it explicitly demanded a revolution that would result in an independent India. They envisioned a nation where a democratic system would be established, where every individual would have the opportunity to lead a prosperous life, and where distinctions of color and race would be eradicated. The bulk of the poetry produced by Saghar, Majaz, Sardar, Jawad, Akhtar, Shamim, Mulla, Ravish, Kaifi, Makhdoom, Jazbi, Matlabi Faridabadi, and other contemporary poets is saturated with these ideals. While it is impossible to present every relevant couplet here, it is clear that each of these poets articulated nationalist sentiments in a robust and healthy manner. Not only were their poems and books confiscated, but poets like Agha Shorish Kashmiri, Syed Matlabi Faridabadi, Taban, Ali Sardar Jafri, Jawad Zaidi, Ahmaq Phaphundvi, and Majrooh also endured the severe hardships of imprisonment while singing songs of nationalism and freedom.

Urdu poetry waged such a fierce war against communalism that today, many communalist writers—including some of our most famous literary figures—are forced to admit that Muslim poets and writers of Urdu did not support the concept of a separate Muslim nation, or the Two-Nation Theory. These critics lament the fact that Muslim poets supposedly did not stand by their own community. What they fail to understand is that the very tradition of Urdu poetry is rooted in the ideals of peace, democracy, and progress. Reactionary thought, communalism, and hatred simply have no place in its heritage.